Empty Names and Negative Existentials

Singular negative existential propositions such as 'Santa Claus does not exist' can be made to look puzzling without any explicit theoretical view on board, with Socrates-style questions such as: how can anything not exist? How can one ever truly say that something doesn't exist? For if one is right, there is no such thing as what one is talking about, and therefore one is talking about nothing.

Or: 'Santa Claus doesn't exist' – what is this thing which doesn't exist? How could there be such a thing?

For those who have a Millian conception of naming (and associated views of propositions), the problem of negative existentials assumes a particularly acute form. If all there is to the meaning of a name is its bearer, and if substituting co-referring names does not affect the 'proposition' (not my usage) expressed by the sentence, then how can a statement like 'Santa Claus does not exist' mean anything at all? Furthermore, how can it be true? And how can different true negative existentials have different meanings, as they seem to do?

All these questions push the Millian toward analysing existence statements – giving an account of what they really mean. (Witness for example Kripke's tortured discussion in Reference and Existence. Of course, he never officially and unequivocally endorses Millianism, but he's flirted outrageously with it in public and finds it intuitive.)
 
Having a non-Millian conception of naming such as the one I propose, on which names are recognized as being tied to individual concepts (or having uses - roles in the systems of language they occupy - which are semantically relevant), makes it a lot easier to answer these questions. But this does not mean that we are using individual concepts (or name-uses) as elements in an analysis of existence statements.

'N does not exist' does not, for instance, mean exactly the same thing as'“N” has no bearer' or 'The “N”-concept has empty extension' (that is, on a natural and sufficiently fine-grained conception of proposition-meanings): the existential proposition is not about a name or a concept.

We can say it is about N, if we understand 'about' as not having existential import, or we can say that it is not about any real thing, but it would muddy the waters intolerably to say that it is about a name or a concept.

And yet we can see what would make a person want to say that it is about a name or a concept. What we can truly and properly say is that, in 'N does not exist', the function of the name 'N' is not to pick out an object – rather, this name (rather than some other name) is used in order to bring a particular individual concept (or name-use) into the act (though I would not want to say 'under consideration', for it need not become an object of thought).

But then what do we say about the function of a name in a proposition like 'John is tall'? It is no less true to say that 'John' functions to bring a particular individual concept or name-use into the act, but here we can also say that it functions to pick out an object. But some have found it intuitive to say that a name functions purely to pick out an object. Given a certain very narrow concept of 'function', this is fine too, although it could be misleading – it could lead to the troubles of Millianism.

Let us now take a representative selection of the questions raised at the beginning of this section, showing how they can be answered with the conceptions of propositions and naming I favour. This is done without giving an analysis of existence statements (in the classical sense of giving something else which they are then said to mean). As with identity statements, the trick is to treat existence statements on their own terms, and to recognize that they occupy a special role for us, and work in a quite particular way.

How can anything not exist?

Just as we sometimes use names in a way which carries existential import, as in 'John is tall', and sometimes use them in a way which does not, as in 'Santa Claus does not exist', 'Some children believe in Santa Claus', we use terms like 'there is', 'something' and 'anything' in two different ways: with or without existential import. A clear example of the latter sort of use would be a kid saying 'I don't believe in Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny, or anything like that'.

The difficulty and puzzlingness of the above question derives from this ambiguity. The thorough answer is: in the sense of 'anything' etc. in which they carry existential import, nothing can fail to exist – i.e. it is not the case that it is possible for anything to not exist, but in the sense of 'anything' etc. in which they do not carry existential import, there are indeed things which do not exist.

At this point, individual concepts (notions of things), or name-uses can be brought into consideration, to help us make sense of the fact that we talk like this. What gives rise to it is that we sometimes have individual concepts without objects, name uses where the name lacks a bearer. We then formulate propositions which, if we treat them by analogy with propositions like 'John is tall' and 'Someone is in this room', look as though they would have to involve (existing) things in order to be true, in the way that these propositions would have to involve John and a person in the room – but in fact they face no such requirement. We use them in connection with objectless concepts, bearerless names etc. (and this connection is quite different from that which holds between 'John is tall' and John himself).

How can one ever truly say that something doesn't exist? For if one is right, there is no such thing as what one is talking about, and therefore one is talking about nothing.

In light of the above, this question can be disposed of quickly. We can truly say that something doesn't exist by using 'something' in the sense in which it doesn't carry existential import, and in virtue of the fact that we have objectless individual concepts and involve them in our talk. In the sentence after the question ('For if one ...'), 'there is no such thing as' and 'nothing' are used in their existential-import-having senses, and so there is no real conflict in what is being said here. It is just being said in a potentially misleading way.

How can a statement like 'Santa Claus does not exist' mean anything at all?

The proposition works by means of the fact that the name 'Santa Claus' brings an individual concept (or a way of using a name) into the act – not by referring to it, but because that is the concept tied to that name (or that is the way that name is used). The proposition is true iff the concept (or name-use) of 'Santa Claus' has an object.

This is not to say that the proposition means the same as any proposition about concepts or name-uses, or that the proposition holds of just the same possible situations as those of which what is said on the right hand side of the 'iff' holds. We are using the biconditional here not to give an analysis but to give a necessary and sufficient condition for the proposition in question, which we have before us, actually being true.

How can different true negative existentials have different meanings, as they seem to do? 
 
By bringing different individual concepts (or name-uses) into the act. 

Reference

Kripke, Saul A. (2013). Reference and Existence. The John Locke Lectures. Oxford University Press. 

Names: Between Mill and Frege

Followup posts: 

Empty Names and Negative Existentials

Names and the Articulation Assumption

Names and the Publicity of Meaning

(Added October 2016: my most up-to-date treatment of names can be found in Chapter 6 of my PhD thesis. This is an early, undeveloped attempt.)

Kripke at the beginning of 'Vacuous Names and Fictional Entities':

One of the main concerns of my previous work (Kripke 1980) [Naming and Necessity] is the semantics of proper names and natural kind terms. A classical view which Putnam mentioned, advocated by Mill, states that proper names have as their function simply to refer; they have denotation but not connotation. The alternative view, which until fairly recently has dominated the field, has been that of Frege and Russell. They hold that ordinary names have connotation in a very strong sense: a proper name such as ‘Napoleon’ simply means the man having most of the properties we commonly attribute to Napoleon, such as being Emperor of the French, losing at Waterloo, and the like. Of course, intermediate views might be suggested, and perhaps have been suggested.

My aim here is to propose just such an intermediate view. In future posts I will flesh out the proposal and offer some speculations about why it has not been generally adopted already.

As is well known, the cardinal problem with Millianism about names is Frege's Puzzle, given in his famous article 'On Sense and Reference': Millianism leaves us unable to semantically distinguish, in a systematic compositional way, 'Hesperus is Phosphorus' from 'Hesperus is Hesperus'; since Hesperus is Phosphorus, both names involved in those propositions have the same referent, and thus, on the Millian view, the same meaning. But the two propositions do not seem to have the same meaning - the first is an empirical scientific discovery, and the second is not. Further problems arise with singular negative existentials like 'Santa does not exist' - here, in addition to Frege's-Puzzle-type problems of differentiation ('Santa doesn't exist' and 'Noddy doesn't exist' mean different things, even though both names are the same as regards their referents; neither has one), we have the problem of seeing how any of them could be true, or even mean anything.

As is also well known, the cardinal problems for descriptivism - what Kripke above calls the view of Frege and Russell - are given by Kripke in Naming and Necessity. I will not try to summarize Kripke's whole case properly, but it is often divided into three prongs: the semantic objection, the epistemological objection, and the modal objection. Very roughly, the semantic objection is 'Which description or descriptions constitute the meaning of some given name? Isn't any answer bound to be arbitrary? And since different people might associate different descriptions with the same name and the same object, how aren't they just talking past each other when they use the name?'. The epistemological objection is 'Take any plausible meaning-giving description or cluster thereof. I can surely use the name in question correctly without knowing all this - I don't have to know much of anything about someone in order to pick them out with a name'. And the modal objection is 'Suppose "Aristotle" means "the teacher of Alexander". How does it come about, then, that "Had things gone differently, Aristotle might not have been the teacher of Alexander" seems true, while "Had things gone differently, Aristotle might not have been Aristotle" seems false?'.

I am not concerned here to argue that no versions of Millianism or descriptivism have legs. I will not, for example, argue against Millianisms which try to fill the apparent semantic gap in their accounts by means of linguistic pragmatics, nor will I argue against "wide-scope" or "actualizing" versions of descriptivism. I want to propose what I think is an elegant and natural view in between Millianism and descriptivism which avoids the problems of both.

I have two ways of expressing what I take to be essentially the same view, but others may prefer to think of me as offering a disjunction of two structurally similar views. The first is in terms of the use of a name, or the role it plays in the system of language to which it belongs. The second is in terms of individual concepts - the ideas of particular objects which we (sometimes) tie names to. I more-or-less identify these things in my own thinking, but since the concepts 'use' and 'role' on the one hand, and 'concept' and 'idea' on the other are quite different (as are the uses or roles of these terms!), it is worth giving both formulations, in case someone prefers one over the other. The use-conception is inspired, at least in part, by Wittgenstein (particularly the middle period, for example Philosophical Grammar). The concept/idea-conception is more traditional.

The view, then, is that names have uses, or are tied to individual concepts, and that these are partly constitutive of their semantics. (We may say that uses, or individual conepts, constitute the internal meanings of names.)

Individual concepts or name-uses do some of the work Frege wanted to do with his senses, but there are important differences. One important difference is that Frege held, of his senses, that they determine reference, whereas individual concepts or name-uses avowedly do not do this in general; someone on Twin Earth can use a name in the same pattern (i.e. with the same concept or use), but with a different referent - in a word, semantic externalism is true of individual concepts or name-uses. (We can of course have a notion which adds an extensional component to the individuation of these things, so that two concepts or uses are distinct if they have different objects, or different projective relations to reality, but we can also isolate the internal component.)

Another important difference is that, while Frege indicates that the sense of a name is that of, or can be given by means of, a definite description, I hold no such thing with respect to individual concepts or name-uses. Names are in an important sense indefinable, as Wittgenstein held in the Tractatus. But that does not mean their referents are all there is to (what you might, though possibly misleadingly, call) their meanings, i.e. Millianism doesn't follow. (Wittgenstein expresses Millianism too in the Tractatus, when speaking of 'names', although there is an exegetical question whether this term is meant to cover ordinary proper names, which is what I am talking about, or names in some philosophically idealized sense, e.g. names in an "ideal logical language".)

Individual concepts or name-uses combine, in a very simple way, the difference-making power of Frege's senses with invulnerability to Kripke's arguments against descriptivism. 

Frege's Puzzle is solved, much in the same way as Frege did with his senses: 'Hesperus is Phosphorus' and 'Hesperus is Hesperus' are different propositions with different meanings, since 'Hesperus' and 'Phosphorus' are tied to different individual concepts and have different uses. (Likewise with 'Clark Kent' and 'Superman'.)

But unlike with Frege's senses, this conception of names is not only compatible with Kripke's rigid designation thesis, but predicts it, at least when formulated in terms of individual concepts: if names are associated with individual concepts - concepts of particular objects - then it is immediate that they will designate the same object in all possible worlds where that object exists; designating another object is out of the question, since we are holding fixed the meaning of the proper name - the associated individual concept.

Individual concepts or name-uses also allow for an important kind of flexibility, which we must recognize in order to solve Kripke's puzzle about belief. We can individuate name-uses and individual concepts - as well as the uses or meanings of other terms, and other concepts, and larger units such as propositions - at different granularities, so that what at one granularity might count as instances of different uses/concepts may count on another (coarser) granularity as instances of the same. This is an important ingredient of my view, and will be discussed in a future post.

I have now at least mentioned all the main ingredients of the view of names I want to propose. Further posts - on semantic granularity, on internal and external meaning, and on why the view I propose hasn't already been generally adopted - will fill out the picture. I will conclude this post by trying to avert a couple of possible misunderstandings:

(1) The term 'individual concept' is sometimes used in philosophical logic and technical philosophy of language to refer to functions from possible worlds or state-descriptions to individuals (or similar constructions). I am not using it that way. For one thing, that way of going would make the problem of empty names harder - i.e., it would reduce the utility of my approach with respect to the problem of empty names - since one needs individuals for the functions to map to. For me the notion of an individual concept is more basic - it is just a refined version of the ordinary idea of an idea of an object.

(2) I am not saying that any sort of theory which associates names not with name-uses or individual concepts (in my sense), but with something else, and calls the associates 'the semantic values' of the names, is wrong. My attitude here is that expressed by Chalmers in this passage from 'The Foundations of Two-Dimensional Semantics':

A methodological note: in this paper I will adopt the approach of semantic pluralism, according to which expressions can be associated with semantic values in many different ways. Expression types and expression tokens can be associated (via different semantic relations) with extensions, various different sorts of intensions, and with many other entities (structured propositions, conventionally implied contents, and so on). On this approach, there is no claim that any given semantic value exhausts the meaning of an expression, and I will not claim that the semantic values that I focus on are exhaustive. (I think that such claims are almost always implausible.)

References

Chalmers, David J. (2006). The foundations of two-dimensional semantics. In Manuel Garcia-Carpintero & Josep Macia (eds.), Two-Dimensional Semantics: Foundations and Applications. Oxford University Press.

Frege, Gottlob. (1952). first pub. 1893. ‘On Sense and Reference’, in P. Geach and M. Black (eds.) Translations from the Philosophical Writings of Gottlob Frege, Oxford: Blackwell.

Kripke, Saul A. (1980). Naming and Necessity. Harvard University Press.

Kripke, Saul A. (2011). Vacuous Names and Fictional Entities. In Saul A. Kripke (ed.), Philosophical Troubles. Collected Papers Vol I. Oxford University Press.

Wittgenstein, Ludwig. (1922). Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. Dover Publications.

Wittgenstein, Ludwig. (1974). Philosophical Grammar. Blackwell.